An article published in
Ibrahim M. Abu-Rabi’ (ed.) (2006),
The Blackwell Companion to Contemporary Islamic Thought
Oxford: Blackwell Publishing
Chapter 11: pp. 195-212
The Blackwell Companion to Contemporary Islamic Thought reflects the variety of trends, voices, and opinions in the contemporary Muslim intellectual scene.
THE FUTURISTIC THOUGHT OF USTAZ ASHAARI
MUHAMMAD OF MALAYSIA
The Messianism of Ustaz Ashaari Muhammad - part 3
The third peculiarity of Ustaz Ashaari’s messianism is his conviction that Southeast Asia plays a dominant role in determining the course of Islamic resurgence towards the end of time. Holding that the Malay–Indonesian world is the “East” referred to in hadiths and scholarly opinions, Ustaz Ashaari is thereby convinced in a Malaysian provenance of the youth of Bani Tamim. This belief is founded upon the hypothesis that many Sunni Arab families emigrated to the Far East to flee from persecution during the last century or so, such that a possibility arises that inter-marriages between Bani Tamim emigrants and Malays actually produced Bani Tamim generations with diluted Arab features. Added to this is circumstantial evidence obtained from personal encounters and dialogues with foreign ulema who express the view that the level of Islamic consciousness among the masses in Malaysia is comparatively higher than anywhere else in the Ummah. Logically, if the present constitutes a period near the end of time, the East mentioned as the provenance of the youth of Bani Tamim has to be one in which Islam is fertile at grassroots level. Best fitting the picture among Southeast Asian nation states, Malaysia’s pivotal role, and the position of Malays as its core ethnic group, in the final resurgence of Islam are practically destined.
Is Ustaz Ashaari claiming the mantle of the youth of Bani Tamim for himself, and claiming his followers to be the ikhwan of the youth of Bani Tamim and thereby of al-Mahdi? This was arguably insinuated in several statements, and most strongly in the employment since 1993 of a new personal title, viz. Abuya Shaykh Imam Ashaari Muhammad at-Tamimi; the surname “at-Tamimi” clearly suggesting Bani Tamim origins. Even if Ustaz Ashaari was suggesting that he is the youth of Bani Tamim who is destined to lead an Islamic state in the East, no scriptural justification exists to incriminate him theologically. Problems encountered with the authorities relate to the doctrine’s political implications, that Ustaz Ashaari is destined to lead Malaysia in the not too distant future. Yet, inner conviction does not necessarily lead to the adoption of organizational methods which can readily be transplanted from one structure to another; in Darul Arqam’s case, from a Muslim-oriented movement structure to a multi-racial state structure. No evidence exists of tangible preparations made by Darul Arqam to wrest power via militant or electoral means. As far as Ustaz Ashaari is concerned, if destined to become Malaysia’s leader one day, it will be through God’s will, triggered by the taqwa of his followers.
To Ustaz Ashaari, futuristic hadiths, on which his futuristic thought is based, are to be understood in the aspirational sense. Muslims are encouraged to aspire and exert themselves into realizing the qualities of figures touted to become history makers. It is not impossible that God grants them, due to their taqwa and efforts, the particular vocation which is open to Muslims. Even if it was proven in time that they are not the individuals mentioned in the hadiths, both human and systemic reforms effected by them can still be benefited. But the pursuit of such
aspirations has to be realistic. Since al-Mahdi’s name and physical characteristics have been specified by hadiths, it is unwise for Muslims lacking those traits to bear Mahdist aspirations. It will be more realistic doctrinally to strive to become the youth of Bani Tamim whose traits and features have been shielded from public knowledge. Or rather, in line with Ustaz Ashaari’s interpretations, they have been purposely kept open for aspiring takers to endeavor to achieve the post. An example often quoted by Ustaz Ashaari is the hadith relating the downfall of Byzantine
Constantinople to “a good King, a good army and good people,” which was only realized at the hands of the Ottoman ruler, Muhammad al-Fatih, popularly known in the West as “Mehmet the Conqueror,” in 1453. In the more than 800 years between the conquest and the Prophet Muhammad’s death, his Companions and succeeding generations never stopped trying to accomplish God’s promise on Constantinople. The most illustrious Companion who was martyred during his vain attempt to conquer Constantinople was Abu Ayyub al-Ansari, whose fatal expedition was launched during the reign of the first Umayyad caliph, Mu’awiyah Abu Sufyan (d. 680).
Therefore, while Ustaz Ashaari refrains from categorically making exclusive claims for his followers as the “chosen people” of the Ummah, he does explicitly mention Darul Arqam’s endeavor to realize the steps needed to qualify themselves as the ikhwan of the youth of Bani Tamim:
"We in Darul Arqam are striving to realize this promise. After striving for the resurgence in the East, we headed towards Khurasan in great numbers, just as Allah seized the area from the hands of the Communists. Khurasan is the place for the flapping of the black banner from the East where there is a man, al-Harith Harrath, as mentioned in the hadith. We want to be the first to meet him."
to be continued...
Tuesday, October 17, 2006
COMPANION TO CONTEMPORARY ISLAMIC THOUGHT. PART 4
An article published in
Ibrahim M. Abu-Rabi’ (ed.) (2006),
The Blackwell Companion to Contemporary Islamic Thought
Oxford: Blackwell Publishing
Chapter 11: pp. 195-212
The Blackwell Companion to Contemporary Islamic Thought reflects the variety of trends, voices, and opinions in the contemporary Muslim intellectual scene.
THE FUTURISTIC THOUGHT OF USTAZ ASHAARI
MUHAMMAD OF MALAYSIA
The Messianism of Ustaz Ashaari Muhammad - part 2
The second distinctive feature of Ustaz Ashaari’s messianism relates to his placing unprecedented emphasis on the purported advent of a “youth of Bani Tamim,” a mysterious figure who has been described in hadiths as hailing from the East and serving as al-Mahdi’s main vizier. Even though the appearance of this assistant of al-Mahdi has been foretold in hadiths, a historical examination of Messianism in Islam reveals a complete lack of attention given to such a figure, whom Ustaz Ashaari believes will establish an Islamic state in the east as the foundation for al-Mahdi’s leadership of the Second Ummah. The advent of al-Mahdi, as a matter of principle, must be preceded by the success of the youth of Bani Tamim, who will eventually hand over political power to al-Mahdi. In other words, the youth of Bani Tamim is the lesser savior whose political triumph will usher in more significant victories at the hands of the principal savior, al-Mahdi. The youth of Bani Tamim’s triumph in the East is therefore a necessary condition for the advent of al-Mahdi. Previous claims to the Mahdiship can be categorically repudiated by pointing
to their lack of a revivalist predecessor from the tribe of Tamim.
Perhaps due to the vagueness of the identity of the youth of Bani Tamim, whose pedigree and physical characteristics, unlike al-Mahdi’s, are scarcely elaborated in hadiths, no messianic truth-seeker or power-seeking pretender has been eager to come forward and claim his rank. Furthermore, unlike al-Mahdi, who is described in hadiths as a caliph who magnanimously distributes money without counting it, the youth of Bani Tamim is not associated with power and wealth he can willfully dispense. In the manner of a tug boat which paves the way for larger vessels, the youth of Bani Tamim merely opens avenues for and introduces al-Mahdi to the Ummah.
His main accomplishment: a state propped up by devoted followers known as the ikhwan (brothers), is prepared for al-Mahdi, not for himself. As such, staking a direct claim for the Mahdiship is misguided. Sincere revivalists should instead be healthily aspiring for the coveted position of the youth of Bani Tamim, as urged by Ustaz Ashaari:
Based on hadiths, we are also informed that the revival of Islam in the East happens in the hands of a man from Bani Tamim (Qurayshy clan) [sic]: the man who will hand over the black banner to Imam Mahdi. This means the struggles of the man of Bani Tamim and of Imam Mahdi are closely related, connected and occur in succession. Perhaps the relationship between the prophets Aaron and Moses provide a fair comparison. I see both the man of Bani Tamim and Imam Mahdi as being concurrent mujaddids. [Any member of] the Muslim Ummah should make the effort to become the man of Bani Tamim as mentioned in hadiths so that the schedule of Allah happens in his hands.
There is nothing wrong or extreme in competing to become the anointed man; this is the way it should be. But if we are not capable of accomplishing such high ambitions, we must search for another more able person. When such a person clearly exists, we must follow him and assist his struggle. There is no need to devise some other method...... Please feel welcome to grab this opportunity. The identity of the mujaddid or the man of Bani Tamim has not been fixed. This means that whosoever has the chance to qualify as the man of Bani Tamim.
Based on his study, Ustaz Ashaari enumerates some characteristics of the youth of Bani Tamim and the ikhwan:
He is of Arab ancestry, hailing from the Quraishy clan of Bani Tamim. But he has very few Arab features as a result of his lineage having been mixed with non-Arabs [via marriage].... His female followers appear like black crows, while the men wear turbans and green robes. The sight of them moving together in groups is awe-inspiring. The black banner which he carries in the East also flaps in Khurasan: a country behind a river (ma waraa un nahar). This means he is the leader of the same movement in the East and in Khurasan.... The Eastern-born leader will approach a man waiting for him in the country behind the river, called al-Harith Harrath. As the outcome of his struggle, the man of Bani Tamim obtains the reins of government in one of the countries in the East. It is this ruling power that will be handed over to Imam Mahdi.
to be continued
Ibrahim M. Abu-Rabi’ (ed.) (2006),
The Blackwell Companion to Contemporary Islamic Thought
Oxford: Blackwell Publishing
Chapter 11: pp. 195-212
The Blackwell Companion to Contemporary Islamic Thought reflects the variety of trends, voices, and opinions in the contemporary Muslim intellectual scene.
THE FUTURISTIC THOUGHT OF USTAZ ASHAARI
MUHAMMAD OF MALAYSIA
The Messianism of Ustaz Ashaari Muhammad - part 2
The second distinctive feature of Ustaz Ashaari’s messianism relates to his placing unprecedented emphasis on the purported advent of a “youth of Bani Tamim,” a mysterious figure who has been described in hadiths as hailing from the East and serving as al-Mahdi’s main vizier. Even though the appearance of this assistant of al-Mahdi has been foretold in hadiths, a historical examination of Messianism in Islam reveals a complete lack of attention given to such a figure, whom Ustaz Ashaari believes will establish an Islamic state in the east as the foundation for al-Mahdi’s leadership of the Second Ummah. The advent of al-Mahdi, as a matter of principle, must be preceded by the success of the youth of Bani Tamim, who will eventually hand over political power to al-Mahdi. In other words, the youth of Bani Tamim is the lesser savior whose political triumph will usher in more significant victories at the hands of the principal savior, al-Mahdi. The youth of Bani Tamim’s triumph in the East is therefore a necessary condition for the advent of al-Mahdi. Previous claims to the Mahdiship can be categorically repudiated by pointing
to their lack of a revivalist predecessor from the tribe of Tamim.
Perhaps due to the vagueness of the identity of the youth of Bani Tamim, whose pedigree and physical characteristics, unlike al-Mahdi’s, are scarcely elaborated in hadiths, no messianic truth-seeker or power-seeking pretender has been eager to come forward and claim his rank. Furthermore, unlike al-Mahdi, who is described in hadiths as a caliph who magnanimously distributes money without counting it, the youth of Bani Tamim is not associated with power and wealth he can willfully dispense. In the manner of a tug boat which paves the way for larger vessels, the youth of Bani Tamim merely opens avenues for and introduces al-Mahdi to the Ummah.
His main accomplishment: a state propped up by devoted followers known as the ikhwan (brothers), is prepared for al-Mahdi, not for himself. As such, staking a direct claim for the Mahdiship is misguided. Sincere revivalists should instead be healthily aspiring for the coveted position of the youth of Bani Tamim, as urged by Ustaz Ashaari:
Based on hadiths, we are also informed that the revival of Islam in the East happens in the hands of a man from Bani Tamim (Qurayshy clan) [sic]: the man who will hand over the black banner to Imam Mahdi. This means the struggles of the man of Bani Tamim and of Imam Mahdi are closely related, connected and occur in succession. Perhaps the relationship between the prophets Aaron and Moses provide a fair comparison. I see both the man of Bani Tamim and Imam Mahdi as being concurrent mujaddids. [Any member of] the Muslim Ummah should make the effort to become the man of Bani Tamim as mentioned in hadiths so that the schedule of Allah happens in his hands.
There is nothing wrong or extreme in competing to become the anointed man; this is the way it should be. But if we are not capable of accomplishing such high ambitions, we must search for another more able person. When such a person clearly exists, we must follow him and assist his struggle. There is no need to devise some other method...... Please feel welcome to grab this opportunity. The identity of the mujaddid or the man of Bani Tamim has not been fixed. This means that whosoever has the chance to qualify as the man of Bani Tamim.
Based on his study, Ustaz Ashaari enumerates some characteristics of the youth of Bani Tamim and the ikhwan:
He is of Arab ancestry, hailing from the Quraishy clan of Bani Tamim. But he has very few Arab features as a result of his lineage having been mixed with non-Arabs [via marriage].... His female followers appear like black crows, while the men wear turbans and green robes. The sight of them moving together in groups is awe-inspiring. The black banner which he carries in the East also flaps in Khurasan: a country behind a river (ma waraa un nahar). This means he is the leader of the same movement in the East and in Khurasan.... The Eastern-born leader will approach a man waiting for him in the country behind the river, called al-Harith Harrath. As the outcome of his struggle, the man of Bani Tamim obtains the reins of government in one of the countries in the East. It is this ruling power that will be handed over to Imam Mahdi.
to be continued
COMPANION TO CONTEMPORARY ISLAMIC THOUGHT. PART 3
12/10/2006
An article published in
Ibrahim M. Abu-Rabi’ (ed.) (2006),
The Blackwell Companion to Contemporary Islamic Thought
Oxford: Blackwell Publishing
Chapter 11: pp. 195-212
The Blackwell Companion to Contemporary Islamic Thought reflects the variety of trends, voices, and opinions in the contemporary Muslim intellectual scene.
THE FUTURISTIC THOUGHT OF USTAZ ASHAARI
MUHAMMAD OF MALAYSIA
The Messianism of Ustaz Ashaari Muhammad
On August 5, 1994, the National Fatwa Council (NFC) of Malaysia unanimously ruled that Darul Arqam’s teachings had deviated from Islam. Of the 10 charges of theological deviationism directed against Darul Arqam, two broad issues were of primary significance, viz. the theological validity of the Aurad Muhammadiah12 and the nature of Darul Arqam’s belief in the messianic advent of al-Mahdi. These issues had consistently been the sources of contention between the official religious authorities and Darul Arqam, as revealed in public statements by representatives
of the Islamic Affairs Division of the Prime Minister’s Department (BAHEIS: Bahagian Hal Ehwal Islam Jabatan Perdana Menteri), and the heated exchanges that took place between both sides in the form of books, booklets and documents on the matter.
Technically, Aurad Muhammadiah enjoins the recitation, individually after each daily prayer, of seven verses in the correct order, preceded by the first chapter of the Qur’an. These verses, four and three of which are to be read 10 and 50 times respectively, are together a collection of Qur’anic verses, the kalimah shahadah (the attestation of faith: “there is no God but Allah, and Muhammad is the Messenger of Allah”) and a salawat (salutation of peace upon the Prophet Muhammad). But controversy arose as to the belief that the Aurad Muhammadiah was taught directly by the deceased Prophet Muhammad to its founder, Shaykh Muhammad Abdullah Al-Suhaimi, during a yaqazah – direct communication, in a state of consciousness, between two human beings, one or both of whom may have been deceased and therefore present in spiritual and not physical form. Two further allegedly deviant ritual practices of the Aurad Muhammadiah are, its allegedly longer kalimah shahadah, and the practice of tawassul as contained in its tahlil.
On the issue of messianism, three fundamental points distinguish Ustaz Ashaari’s millenarian beliefs from past messianic trends. Firstly, his conditional belief that Shaykh Muhammad Abdullah Al-Suhaimi, whose grave is said to exist in Kelang, Malaysia, is in fact being “kept” alive in the spiritual world by God to prepare for his reappearance as al-Mahdi. Based on the prevailing chaos in the contemporary world and the prediction made by Jalal al-din al-Suyuti (d.1505) that al-Mahdi would appear around 1407 AH, Ustaz Ashaari believes that al-Mahdi is the anointed savior of the fifteenth Islamic century, and the last in the list of celebrated mujaddids. Ustaz Ashaari’s postulation that the founder of the Aurad Muhammadiah is the most plausible candidate for the Mahdiship is based on arbitrary suggestions made by his grandson Mohd. Taha Suhaimi, upon circumstantial evidence tracing his ancestry to the Prophet Muhammad through his daughter Fatimah, and on physical features and a name which accorded with the description of al-Mahdi in hadiths, as testified by those who met him in his lifetime. One of them, known as Kiyai Mahmud, was said to have personally heard Shaykh Muhammad Abdullah Al-Suhaimi’s prognosis that the resurgence of the Aurad Muhammadiah, after a brief decline following his occultation, would occur under the leadership of a man named “Ashaari Muhammad.”
Ustaz Ashaari’s belief in the Mahdiship of Shaykh Muhammad Abdullah al-Suhaimi apparently puts it on a similar terrain with the Twelver Shi’ites, who also believe in the occultation of al-Mahdi prior to his promised reappearance. From the Sunni perspective, no scriptural justification exists to support the theory of al-Mahdi’s occultation. In defense, Ustaz Ashaari cites the precedence of the Prophet Jesus and the People of the Cave, both of whom were thought to have died by their contemporaries but who in reality are being kept by God in an unknown world until the moment of their destined re-emergence.17 Furthermore, al-Mahdi’s antithesis, the Dajjal, is also arguably in occultation. This view is based on a lengthy hadith which tells how Tamim al-Dari, a Christian convert to Islam, was stranded during a voyage in a remote island where he met and spoke with a beast shackled in a monastery. The creature claimed to be the Dajjal, as was verified by the Prophet upon hearing Tamim’s story. Some Sunni ulema and Sufis did share Ustaz Ashaari’s view of al-Mahdi’s occultation. Supporting evidence for this include a statement from Ibn ‘Arabi (d.1240) and the testimony of Shaykh Hasan al-Iraqi (d.1525), whose personal encounter with Al-Mahdi was cited by Ustaz Ashaari.
to be continued....
An article published in
Ibrahim M. Abu-Rabi’ (ed.) (2006),
The Blackwell Companion to Contemporary Islamic Thought
Oxford: Blackwell Publishing
Chapter 11: pp. 195-212
The Blackwell Companion to Contemporary Islamic Thought reflects the variety of trends, voices, and opinions in the contemporary Muslim intellectual scene.
THE FUTURISTIC THOUGHT OF USTAZ ASHAARI
MUHAMMAD OF MALAYSIA
The Messianism of Ustaz Ashaari Muhammad
On August 5, 1994, the National Fatwa Council (NFC) of Malaysia unanimously ruled that Darul Arqam’s teachings had deviated from Islam. Of the 10 charges of theological deviationism directed against Darul Arqam, two broad issues were of primary significance, viz. the theological validity of the Aurad Muhammadiah12 and the nature of Darul Arqam’s belief in the messianic advent of al-Mahdi. These issues had consistently been the sources of contention between the official religious authorities and Darul Arqam, as revealed in public statements by representatives
of the Islamic Affairs Division of the Prime Minister’s Department (BAHEIS: Bahagian Hal Ehwal Islam Jabatan Perdana Menteri), and the heated exchanges that took place between both sides in the form of books, booklets and documents on the matter.
Technically, Aurad Muhammadiah enjoins the recitation, individually after each daily prayer, of seven verses in the correct order, preceded by the first chapter of the Qur’an. These verses, four and three of which are to be read 10 and 50 times respectively, are together a collection of Qur’anic verses, the kalimah shahadah (the attestation of faith: “there is no God but Allah, and Muhammad is the Messenger of Allah”) and a salawat (salutation of peace upon the Prophet Muhammad). But controversy arose as to the belief that the Aurad Muhammadiah was taught directly by the deceased Prophet Muhammad to its founder, Shaykh Muhammad Abdullah Al-Suhaimi, during a yaqazah – direct communication, in a state of consciousness, between two human beings, one or both of whom may have been deceased and therefore present in spiritual and not physical form. Two further allegedly deviant ritual practices of the Aurad Muhammadiah are, its allegedly longer kalimah shahadah, and the practice of tawassul as contained in its tahlil.
On the issue of messianism, three fundamental points distinguish Ustaz Ashaari’s millenarian beliefs from past messianic trends. Firstly, his conditional belief that Shaykh Muhammad Abdullah Al-Suhaimi, whose grave is said to exist in Kelang, Malaysia, is in fact being “kept” alive in the spiritual world by God to prepare for his reappearance as al-Mahdi. Based on the prevailing chaos in the contemporary world and the prediction made by Jalal al-din al-Suyuti (d.1505) that al-Mahdi would appear around 1407 AH, Ustaz Ashaari believes that al-Mahdi is the anointed savior of the fifteenth Islamic century, and the last in the list of celebrated mujaddids. Ustaz Ashaari’s postulation that the founder of the Aurad Muhammadiah is the most plausible candidate for the Mahdiship is based on arbitrary suggestions made by his grandson Mohd. Taha Suhaimi, upon circumstantial evidence tracing his ancestry to the Prophet Muhammad through his daughter Fatimah, and on physical features and a name which accorded with the description of al-Mahdi in hadiths, as testified by those who met him in his lifetime. One of them, known as Kiyai Mahmud, was said to have personally heard Shaykh Muhammad Abdullah Al-Suhaimi’s prognosis that the resurgence of the Aurad Muhammadiah, after a brief decline following his occultation, would occur under the leadership of a man named “Ashaari Muhammad.”
Ustaz Ashaari’s belief in the Mahdiship of Shaykh Muhammad Abdullah al-Suhaimi apparently puts it on a similar terrain with the Twelver Shi’ites, who also believe in the occultation of al-Mahdi prior to his promised reappearance. From the Sunni perspective, no scriptural justification exists to support the theory of al-Mahdi’s occultation. In defense, Ustaz Ashaari cites the precedence of the Prophet Jesus and the People of the Cave, both of whom were thought to have died by their contemporaries but who in reality are being kept by God in an unknown world until the moment of their destined re-emergence.17 Furthermore, al-Mahdi’s antithesis, the Dajjal, is also arguably in occultation. This view is based on a lengthy hadith which tells how Tamim al-Dari, a Christian convert to Islam, was stranded during a voyage in a remote island where he met and spoke with a beast shackled in a monastery. The creature claimed to be the Dajjal, as was verified by the Prophet upon hearing Tamim’s story. Some Sunni ulema and Sufis did share Ustaz Ashaari’s view of al-Mahdi’s occultation. Supporting evidence for this include a statement from Ibn ‘Arabi (d.1240) and the testimony of Shaykh Hasan al-Iraqi (d.1525), whose personal encounter with Al-Mahdi was cited by Ustaz Ashaari.
to be continued....
COMPANION TO CONTEMPORARY ISLAMIC THOUGHT. PART 2
An article published in
Ibrahim M. Abu-Rabi’ (ed.) (2006),
The Blackwell Companion to Contemporary Islamic Thought
Oxford: Blackwell Publishing
Chapter 11: pp. 195-212
The Blackwell Companion to Contemporary Islamic Thought reflects the variety of trends, voices, and opinions in the contemporary Muslim intellectual scene.
THE FUTURISTIC THOUGHT OF USTAZ ASHAARI
MUHAMMAD OF MALAYSIA
Messianism in Sunni Islam
As a subject, the phenomena of messianism and millenarianism have never been short of controversy. At the popular level, they have been associated with the world of celestial happenings, ancient prophecies, and Doomsday cults, which have often ended tragically with mass suicides and other violent aftermaths. These appeared to have multiplied dramatically with the advent of the new millennium, occurring near in time to such heavenly events as the passing of comets Halley in 1986 and Hale-Bopp in March 1997; the conjunction of planets in May 2000, and the closest approach of Mars to the earth in August 2003. Most anthropologists would describe messianic movements as a universal manifestation of social protest, being religions of the oppressed, disappointed, marginalized, and desperate communities. Yearning for a swift crumbling of the present social order, such victims of capitalist-based modernization were prone to pin their utopian hopes for a future golden age on a certain savior, whose miraculous coming and feats may have been foretold, if only vaguely, in medieval texts. Indeed, outbursts of millenarianism may be detected in all major religions and civilizations.
Islamic millenarian expectations have revolved around the figure of Imam al-Mahdi, the messiah whose advent near the end of time has been pronounced by many hadiths, i.e. sayings or actions of the Prophet Muhammad as reported by his companions or wives, and passed through successive Muslim generations until ultimately compiled. In fact, eschatological hadiths relate that, chronologically, the proclamation of al-Mahdi will be followed by specific events, viz. the appearance of the Dajjal, the descent of the Prophet Jesus who will kill the Dajjal, the appearance of the destructive tribes of Gog and Magog, and the rule of al-Mahdi over the world for five or seven or nine years and followed by that of the Prophet Jesus for 40 years, after a series of triumphant wars against the infidels. Ultimate peace will only prevail under the leadership of al-Mahdi and Jesus Christ, when Islam will reign supreme over the world. Following the passing away of al-Mahdi and Jesus Christ, Islam will decline again, until the moment when believers’ lives are taken away by God, such that the Great Hour, i.e. the physical destruction of the planet earth, will be experienced only by unbelievers.
In orthodox Sunni Islam, scholars have discussed the subject of al-Mahdi in conjunction with the famous hadith regarding the promised mujaddid (reformer), as narrated by Abu Hurayrah and found in the collection of Abu Dawud: “Allah will raise, at the head of each century, such people for this Ummah as will revive its Religion for it.”
This explains the fact that Mahdist expectations have been strongest during the beginning of every Islamic century.8 Mahdism has come to embody not only a theological belief in the coming of a final deliverer towards the end of time, but also a political belief in the destiny of the Ummah to undergo regeneration under the Mahdist leadership of a centennial mujaddid. Hence for instance, the Umayyad caliph Umar Abd al-Aziz (d.720), conventionally regarded as the mujaddid of the first Islamic century, was also referred to in respectable religious circles as al-Mahdi. Hopwood describes the Sunni version of al-Mahdi, vis-à-vis the Shi’ite view, as a “mujaddid (renewer)…. who is not necessarily the harbinger of the Last Day but a more humble figure to guide the Ummah back to the right path.”9
Discussions revolving around the concept of al-Mahdi in Sunni Islam have exacted most interest from Sufis, who regard al-Mahdi as the last and spiritually greatest saint. Consequently, many Mahdist revivalist movements have had Sufi origins and inclinations. In fact, these movements were at the forefront of anti-colonial uprisings in the peripheral Muslim lands, whose societies had been severely disaffected by Western capitalist intrusion and military domination. While retaining a spiritual orientation, such movements took up many aspects more conventionally identified with modernist reformism, such as flexibility in opening the gates of ijtihad (independent reasoning) and an uncompromising rejection of foreign innovations, which had infiltrated traditional Sufi orders. Examples are the Diponegoro revolt in Dutch Java (1825–30), the Sanusiyyah agitations in late nineteenth-century Libya, and the anti-British Mahdist revolt in the Sudan (1881–5).10
In short, all messianic movements have up till now been proven in time to be not Mahdist in the scriptural sense. But this does not mean they were not Mahdist in orientation, in the sense of their having derived political inspiration from the apocalyptic belief in al-Mahdi. Therefore, the Mahdist doctrine wields not only theological significance, but is also valuable in generating reformist movements, particularly in times of economic and social discontent when the longing for a golden age becomes pervasive. The very idea that al-Mahdi’s coming as a divine promise is assured raises collective social hopes of Muslims and motivates them to work for the betterment of the Ummah, despite seemingly irreversible setbacks. In this sense, Mahdism encourages activism rather than a passive acceptance of the status quo. Very much a taboo to standard-bearers of official Islam, it has been and can still potentially be a powerful political weapon of Muslim revivalists.
Nonetheless, in the past century, Sunni Islamic movements have evidently discarded Mahdism, deeming it as irrelevant, from their agenda of resurgence. Mahdism has been relegated to the realm of fringe Sufi groups, Shi’ites, and heterodox movements. Contemporary revivalists have raised legitimate concern at the detrimental effects of past bogus claims by Mahdist aspirants,11 but the existence or even abundance of Mahdist pretenders does not necessarily mean Mahdism constitutes a deviation or represents a liability to Islamic resurgence. This is borne out by the social and economic activism of Darul Arqam and Rufaqa’ Corporation in Malaysia.
Ibrahim M. Abu-Rabi’ (ed.) (2006),
The Blackwell Companion to Contemporary Islamic Thought
Oxford: Blackwell Publishing
Chapter 11: pp. 195-212
The Blackwell Companion to Contemporary Islamic Thought reflects the variety of trends, voices, and opinions in the contemporary Muslim intellectual scene.
THE FUTURISTIC THOUGHT OF USTAZ ASHAARI
MUHAMMAD OF MALAYSIA
Messianism in Sunni Islam
As a subject, the phenomena of messianism and millenarianism have never been short of controversy. At the popular level, they have been associated with the world of celestial happenings, ancient prophecies, and Doomsday cults, which have often ended tragically with mass suicides and other violent aftermaths. These appeared to have multiplied dramatically with the advent of the new millennium, occurring near in time to such heavenly events as the passing of comets Halley in 1986 and Hale-Bopp in March 1997; the conjunction of planets in May 2000, and the closest approach of Mars to the earth in August 2003. Most anthropologists would describe messianic movements as a universal manifestation of social protest, being religions of the oppressed, disappointed, marginalized, and desperate communities. Yearning for a swift crumbling of the present social order, such victims of capitalist-based modernization were prone to pin their utopian hopes for a future golden age on a certain savior, whose miraculous coming and feats may have been foretold, if only vaguely, in medieval texts. Indeed, outbursts of millenarianism may be detected in all major religions and civilizations.
Islamic millenarian expectations have revolved around the figure of Imam al-Mahdi, the messiah whose advent near the end of time has been pronounced by many hadiths, i.e. sayings or actions of the Prophet Muhammad as reported by his companions or wives, and passed through successive Muslim generations until ultimately compiled. In fact, eschatological hadiths relate that, chronologically, the proclamation of al-Mahdi will be followed by specific events, viz. the appearance of the Dajjal, the descent of the Prophet Jesus who will kill the Dajjal, the appearance of the destructive tribes of Gog and Magog, and the rule of al-Mahdi over the world for five or seven or nine years and followed by that of the Prophet Jesus for 40 years, after a series of triumphant wars against the infidels. Ultimate peace will only prevail under the leadership of al-Mahdi and Jesus Christ, when Islam will reign supreme over the world. Following the passing away of al-Mahdi and Jesus Christ, Islam will decline again, until the moment when believers’ lives are taken away by God, such that the Great Hour, i.e. the physical destruction of the planet earth, will be experienced only by unbelievers.
In orthodox Sunni Islam, scholars have discussed the subject of al-Mahdi in conjunction with the famous hadith regarding the promised mujaddid (reformer), as narrated by Abu Hurayrah and found in the collection of Abu Dawud: “Allah will raise, at the head of each century, such people for this Ummah as will revive its Religion for it.”
This explains the fact that Mahdist expectations have been strongest during the beginning of every Islamic century.8 Mahdism has come to embody not only a theological belief in the coming of a final deliverer towards the end of time, but also a political belief in the destiny of the Ummah to undergo regeneration under the Mahdist leadership of a centennial mujaddid. Hence for instance, the Umayyad caliph Umar Abd al-Aziz (d.720), conventionally regarded as the mujaddid of the first Islamic century, was also referred to in respectable religious circles as al-Mahdi. Hopwood describes the Sunni version of al-Mahdi, vis-à-vis the Shi’ite view, as a “mujaddid (renewer)…. who is not necessarily the harbinger of the Last Day but a more humble figure to guide the Ummah back to the right path.”9
Discussions revolving around the concept of al-Mahdi in Sunni Islam have exacted most interest from Sufis, who regard al-Mahdi as the last and spiritually greatest saint. Consequently, many Mahdist revivalist movements have had Sufi origins and inclinations. In fact, these movements were at the forefront of anti-colonial uprisings in the peripheral Muslim lands, whose societies had been severely disaffected by Western capitalist intrusion and military domination. While retaining a spiritual orientation, such movements took up many aspects more conventionally identified with modernist reformism, such as flexibility in opening the gates of ijtihad (independent reasoning) and an uncompromising rejection of foreign innovations, which had infiltrated traditional Sufi orders. Examples are the Diponegoro revolt in Dutch Java (1825–30), the Sanusiyyah agitations in late nineteenth-century Libya, and the anti-British Mahdist revolt in the Sudan (1881–5).10
In short, all messianic movements have up till now been proven in time to be not Mahdist in the scriptural sense. But this does not mean they were not Mahdist in orientation, in the sense of their having derived political inspiration from the apocalyptic belief in al-Mahdi. Therefore, the Mahdist doctrine wields not only theological significance, but is also valuable in generating reformist movements, particularly in times of economic and social discontent when the longing for a golden age becomes pervasive. The very idea that al-Mahdi’s coming as a divine promise is assured raises collective social hopes of Muslims and motivates them to work for the betterment of the Ummah, despite seemingly irreversible setbacks. In this sense, Mahdism encourages activism rather than a passive acceptance of the status quo. Very much a taboo to standard-bearers of official Islam, it has been and can still potentially be a powerful political weapon of Muslim revivalists.
Nonetheless, in the past century, Sunni Islamic movements have evidently discarded Mahdism, deeming it as irrelevant, from their agenda of resurgence. Mahdism has been relegated to the realm of fringe Sufi groups, Shi’ites, and heterodox movements. Contemporary revivalists have raised legitimate concern at the detrimental effects of past bogus claims by Mahdist aspirants,11 but the existence or even abundance of Mahdist pretenders does not necessarily mean Mahdism constitutes a deviation or represents a liability to Islamic resurgence. This is borne out by the social and economic activism of Darul Arqam and Rufaqa’ Corporation in Malaysia.
COMPANION TO CONTEMPORARY ISLAMIC THOUGHT (1)
An article published in
Ibrahim M. Abu-Rabi’ (ed.) (2006),
The Blackwell Companion to Contemporary Islamic Thought
Oxford: Blackwell Publishing
Chapter 11: pp. 195-212
The Blackwell Companion to Contemporary Islamic Thought reflects the variety of trends, voices, and opinions in the contemporary Muslim intellectual scene.
THE FUTURISTIC THOUGHT OF USTAZ ASHAARI
MUHAMMAD OF MALAYSIA
This chapter discusses futuristic aspects in the messianic thought of Ustaz Ashaari Muhammad, who is well known among circles and observers of Southeast Asian Islam as the founder-leader of Darul Arqam, an Islamic movement banned in August 1994 by the Malaysian authorities for allegedly embracing and spreading heterodox teachings. Ustaz Ashaari subscribes to a unique vision of Southeast Asia as the future center of Islamic civilization in the post-modern world.
This essentially messianic vision has been procured via a rigorous study of hadith literature and empirical knowledge gained during overseas tours. Ustaz Ashaari’s thought becomes particularly important against the background of global messianic expectations as the new millennium meets the early phase of the Islamic century. In addition, Ustaz Ashaari’s method of relying on contemporary economic prowess belies the economic backwardness befalling Muslims worldwide and the economic downturn affecting Southeast Asia since 1997.
Ustaz Ashaari strives to realize his vision through his establishment and leadership of movements that exhibit unconventional methods of managing economic and social development. Founded in 1968 as a small religious gathering in Kuala Lumpur, Darul Arqam had developed, by 1994, into a self-styled economic empire commanding huge influence among the national socio-political elite. In material terms, its tangible accomplishments were phenomenal, certainly for a movement that professed to operate on a strictly Islamic basis.1 Until its demise in 1994, Darul Arqam, albeit being Malaysian-based, acquired a heavily transnational orientation, revolving especially around Southeast Asian countries. Convinced that an economically developed Islamic
state and society would eventually come about in Southeast Asia, Ustaz Ashaari’s followers throughout the region have continually sustained Islamic-oriented businesses and companies under various names, before gradually regrouping them under the aegis of Rufaqa’ International Limited in 2002. In Malaysia, continuous retention under the Internal Security Act (ISA) of their leaders, consistent state monitoring, and the closing down of their communal villages have not prevented Ustaz Ashaari’s followers from shifting ground towards erecting economically successful urban Islamic communities.
Under the restriction order imposed on him, Ustaz Ashaari cannot move from his designated district of residence, viz. Gombak (1994–2002) and since February 2002, Labuan island, off the Bornean coast of the state of Sabah. He has to remain indoors after 6 p.m., and all visitors have to be screened by the specially allocated security officers. He has to report to the nearest police station once a week.
However, out-of-district breaks may be and have been given upon special requests made due to unforeseen circumstances, such as family death and illnesses. Needless to say, such requirements have greatly hampered communication between him and his followers.
In 1997, Ustaz Ashaari registered a private limited company, Rufaqa’ Corporation, based in Bandar Country Homes, Rawang, Selangor, without relying on assets and capital from the disbanded Darul Arqam. Beginning with herbal-based health products, Rufaqa’ focused upon establishing small and medium enterprises based in “Islamic townships,” which refer informally to Rufaqa’’s conspicuous string of business premises dominating parts of industrial estates.
Within a few years, and despite prevailing economic uncertainty, Rufaqa’ quickly expanded to all states in Malaysia. Today, with its multiple business networks operating 40 different types of businesses, Rufaqa’’s business enterprises arguably constitute the best among economic initiatives offered by Islamic movements in Malaysia.
Despite stern denials, the state, still seeing Ustaz Ashaari as a threat to national security, has constantly leveled accusations that Rufaqa’ was trying to revive Darul Arqam, and in February 2002, banished Ustaz Ashaari and his immediate family to Labuan. In Labuan, business opportunities for Rufaqa’ have been blocked by the local authorities, but Rufaqa’ has managed to outwit the state by conducting businesses using the licenses of local Chinese businessmen oblivious as to Rufaqa’’s alleged heterodoxy and willing to cooperate with Rufaqa’. Muslims in Labuan have been persuaded by federal agents to desist from any communication and business links with Rufaqa’, but through the non-Muslim business network, Rufaqa’ now handles one bakery and five restaurants in Labuan. Having brought with him part of Rufaqa’s physical and human capital, reports have emerged detailing Ustaz Ashaari’s “luxurious” lifestyle and rapport with Labuan’s grassroots communities.
Ustaz Ashaari has achieved economic success by strenuously maintaining a taqwa-based approach to business and development. Literally taken to mean “the fear of God”, taqwa is stated in the Qur’an as being the source of God’s help, through which all of Muslims’ triumphs are effected. For example,
“If the people of the towns had but believed and feared Allah, We should indeed have opened out to them (all kinds of)blessings from heaven and earth. But they rejected (the truth) and we brought them to book for their misdeeds” (Al-A’raf 7: 96) and
“And for those who fear Allah, He (ever) prepares a way out, and He provides for him from (sources) he never could expect… And for those who fear Allah, He will make things easy for them” (At-Talaq 65: 2–4).
Rufaqa’’s business meetings were seen to focus primarily on the relationship between taqwa and “God’s bank,” by which is meant that through taqwa, God will shower bounties on business enterprises undertaken in the name of the struggle for God.
Without going into the doctrinal controversies surrounding the proscription and eventual disbandment of Darul Arqam, the author now wishes to look at traits in the messianic worldview of Ustaz Ashaari Muhammad differentiating his movements from not only contemporary resurgent Muslim trends, but also from previous messianic movements.
Ibrahim M. Abu-Rabi’ (ed.) (2006),
The Blackwell Companion to Contemporary Islamic Thought
Oxford: Blackwell Publishing
Chapter 11: pp. 195-212
The Blackwell Companion to Contemporary Islamic Thought reflects the variety of trends, voices, and opinions in the contemporary Muslim intellectual scene.
THE FUTURISTIC THOUGHT OF USTAZ ASHAARI
MUHAMMAD OF MALAYSIA
This chapter discusses futuristic aspects in the messianic thought of Ustaz Ashaari Muhammad, who is well known among circles and observers of Southeast Asian Islam as the founder-leader of Darul Arqam, an Islamic movement banned in August 1994 by the Malaysian authorities for allegedly embracing and spreading heterodox teachings. Ustaz Ashaari subscribes to a unique vision of Southeast Asia as the future center of Islamic civilization in the post-modern world.
This essentially messianic vision has been procured via a rigorous study of hadith literature and empirical knowledge gained during overseas tours. Ustaz Ashaari’s thought becomes particularly important against the background of global messianic expectations as the new millennium meets the early phase of the Islamic century. In addition, Ustaz Ashaari’s method of relying on contemporary economic prowess belies the economic backwardness befalling Muslims worldwide and the economic downturn affecting Southeast Asia since 1997.
Ustaz Ashaari strives to realize his vision through his establishment and leadership of movements that exhibit unconventional methods of managing economic and social development. Founded in 1968 as a small religious gathering in Kuala Lumpur, Darul Arqam had developed, by 1994, into a self-styled economic empire commanding huge influence among the national socio-political elite. In material terms, its tangible accomplishments were phenomenal, certainly for a movement that professed to operate on a strictly Islamic basis.1 Until its demise in 1994, Darul Arqam, albeit being Malaysian-based, acquired a heavily transnational orientation, revolving especially around Southeast Asian countries. Convinced that an economically developed Islamic
state and society would eventually come about in Southeast Asia, Ustaz Ashaari’s followers throughout the region have continually sustained Islamic-oriented businesses and companies under various names, before gradually regrouping them under the aegis of Rufaqa’ International Limited in 2002. In Malaysia, continuous retention under the Internal Security Act (ISA) of their leaders, consistent state monitoring, and the closing down of their communal villages have not prevented Ustaz Ashaari’s followers from shifting ground towards erecting economically successful urban Islamic communities.
Under the restriction order imposed on him, Ustaz Ashaari cannot move from his designated district of residence, viz. Gombak (1994–2002) and since February 2002, Labuan island, off the Bornean coast of the state of Sabah. He has to remain indoors after 6 p.m., and all visitors have to be screened by the specially allocated security officers. He has to report to the nearest police station once a week.
However, out-of-district breaks may be and have been given upon special requests made due to unforeseen circumstances, such as family death and illnesses. Needless to say, such requirements have greatly hampered communication between him and his followers.
In 1997, Ustaz Ashaari registered a private limited company, Rufaqa’ Corporation, based in Bandar Country Homes, Rawang, Selangor, without relying on assets and capital from the disbanded Darul Arqam. Beginning with herbal-based health products, Rufaqa’ focused upon establishing small and medium enterprises based in “Islamic townships,” which refer informally to Rufaqa’’s conspicuous string of business premises dominating parts of industrial estates.
Within a few years, and despite prevailing economic uncertainty, Rufaqa’ quickly expanded to all states in Malaysia. Today, with its multiple business networks operating 40 different types of businesses, Rufaqa’’s business enterprises arguably constitute the best among economic initiatives offered by Islamic movements in Malaysia.
Despite stern denials, the state, still seeing Ustaz Ashaari as a threat to national security, has constantly leveled accusations that Rufaqa’ was trying to revive Darul Arqam, and in February 2002, banished Ustaz Ashaari and his immediate family to Labuan. In Labuan, business opportunities for Rufaqa’ have been blocked by the local authorities, but Rufaqa’ has managed to outwit the state by conducting businesses using the licenses of local Chinese businessmen oblivious as to Rufaqa’’s alleged heterodoxy and willing to cooperate with Rufaqa’. Muslims in Labuan have been persuaded by federal agents to desist from any communication and business links with Rufaqa’, but through the non-Muslim business network, Rufaqa’ now handles one bakery and five restaurants in Labuan. Having brought with him part of Rufaqa’s physical and human capital, reports have emerged detailing Ustaz Ashaari’s “luxurious” lifestyle and rapport with Labuan’s grassroots communities.
Ustaz Ashaari has achieved economic success by strenuously maintaining a taqwa-based approach to business and development. Literally taken to mean “the fear of God”, taqwa is stated in the Qur’an as being the source of God’s help, through which all of Muslims’ triumphs are effected. For example,
“If the people of the towns had but believed and feared Allah, We should indeed have opened out to them (all kinds of)blessings from heaven and earth. But they rejected (the truth) and we brought them to book for their misdeeds” (Al-A’raf 7: 96) and
“And for those who fear Allah, He (ever) prepares a way out, and He provides for him from (sources) he never could expect… And for those who fear Allah, He will make things easy for them” (At-Talaq 65: 2–4).
Rufaqa’’s business meetings were seen to focus primarily on the relationship between taqwa and “God’s bank,” by which is meant that through taqwa, God will shower bounties on business enterprises undertaken in the name of the struggle for God.
Without going into the doctrinal controversies surrounding the proscription and eventual disbandment of Darul Arqam, the author now wishes to look at traits in the messianic worldview of Ustaz Ashaari Muhammad differentiating his movements from not only contemporary resurgent Muslim trends, but also from previous messianic movements.
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